/ON THE MEANING OF THE CALL FOR SNAP ELECTIONS & DEMANDS OF THE PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT OF MARCH 19* – Muhammed Aybars Akdoğan

ON THE MEANING OF THE CALL FOR SNAP ELECTIONS & DEMANDS OF THE PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT OF MARCH 19* – Muhammed Aybars Akdoğan

Muhammed Aybars Akdoğan
Lawyer – TÜRKİYE

picture source: Created with AI

In the People’s Movement that broke out on March 19, 2025 in Turkey, the main demands of the people were “Resignation of the government!” and “Rebellion, revolution, freedom!”. However, the Republican People’s Party insisted on the demand for “Snap Elections”, adopting an attitude unrelated to the demands of the People’s Movement and the people. Since these three claims are based on different legal grounds, their realization has different consequences. It is important for citizens to be aware of the legal bases on which these three demands are founded in order to be able to raise them conscientiously. Such consciousness is also very important for understanding the intentions and objectives of politicians who try to expand or suppress these demands.

1. DEMAND FOR
SNAP ELECTIONS
The demand for snap elections is based on section 1 and 3 of Article 116 of the current1 Constitution and is a demand seeking to make Tayyip Erdoğan a candidate for the presidency.

The Grand National Assem- bly of Turkey has the power to decide to renew elections by a three-fifths majority of the total number of its members. (…)

In the event that Parliament decides to renew elections during the President’s second term, the President may run for another term.

In fact, Özgür Özel referred to paragraphs 1 and 3 of Article 116 of the current Constitution in his speech on January 25, 2025, in which he paved the way for Tayyip Erdoğan to become a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic.

If the President wants to be a candidate again, there is a way. 360 Members of Parliament must take the decision to renew the elections. If he accepts, so do we. Let him not waste any time. If he wants, we can hold elections this week. If he needs some time, we have already pointed out late October, early November 2025. If he wants to run, that’s the date. If he wants to do it in March, let him do it in March. If he wants to do it in October, let it be October. We are more happy, we are ready. We are impatient to take power. Let him come and run for office.2

It should be noted that the demandfor early elections is based on the assumption that the current Constitution is a legitimate Constitution,that Tayyip Erdoğan is a legitimate President and that the AKP still exists as a legitimate political party.This assumption is based on the view that, in case of elections, Tayyip Erdoğan could become President, Hakan Fidan, Hulusi Akar, Fahrettin Altun, Bekir Bozdağ, AlpayÖzalan, Akın Gürlek, etc. could become deputies, and the AKP could become the ruling party or the main opposition party. However, this assumption is totally contrary to the facts and the demands of the People’s Movement.

After 23 years, it is noteworthy that the main opposition party recognizes Tayyip Erdoğan -whom they accuse of being a junta leader as a legitimate president and the AKP as a legitimate political party, and mobilizes all its means to make Tayyip Erdoğan a candidate again. In the 2023 elections, the main opposition party also declared: „We have no objection to Tayyip Erdoğan running for the 3rd time. We will defeat the dictator at the ballot boxes”.

This move paved the way for Tayyip Erdoğan to become a candidate in violation of the existing Constitution and paved the way for today. The mentality of the main opposition party is the same today as it was two years ago. While the leadership of the main opposition party has changed since those days, the mentality has not changed at all! The change is possible not only change of leader, but also through a transformation of mindset!

2. THE DEMAND OF
GOVERNMENT RESIGNATION!
The demand of “Government resignation!” is a demand that is based on paragraph 2 of article 101, and paragraph 2 of Article 116 of the current Constitution, and putting forward this demand with such an idea is an opposition to Tayyip Erdoğan’s candidacy for the Presidency of the Republic. It is completely ruled out that Tayyip Erdoğan will be a candidate in the elections based on paragraph 2 of Article 101 and paragraph 2 of Article 116 of the current Constitution.

ARTICLE 101/2
The term of office of the President is five years and a person may be elected President of the Republic a maximum of two times.

ARTICLE 116/2
In the event that the President decides to renew the elections, the general elections of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and the presidential elections shall be held jointly.

It should be noted that the demand for “Government resignation!” is also based on the assumption that the current Constitution is a legitimate Constitution, that Tayyip Erdoğan is a legitimate President and that the AKP still exists as a legitimate political party. According to this assumption, even if Tayyip Erdoğan ceases to be President of the Republic, Hakan Fidan, Hulusi Akar, Fahrettin Altun, Bekir Bozdağ, Alpay Özalan, Akın Gürlek, etc. will be able to be deputies and the AKP will become the ruling party or the main opposition party. However, it would not be logical to assert that the citizens who raised their voices shouting “Government resign!” in the squares were motivated by such an idea.

It can be stated that the clear and undistorted demand of the people and especially the youth is for the AKP to remove its hands from our state with all its cadets and to establish an order in which rights, law and justice prevail. It is clear that yesterday’s issue was not “just some trees” and today’s issue is not just Ekrem İmamoğlu. As stated by Nasuh Mahruki.3

The issue is systemic injustice, the instrumentalization of the law, the application of the law of the enemy to those who do not obey, irregularity, corruption, favoritism, nepotism, bullying, arbitrariness and lack of accountability.

As a result, the demand that emerged in the People’s Movement is the demand for revolution. However, those holding the microphone addressing millions of people were able to distort this demand and monger their own demands to the people as if they were the demands of the people, because the people were not organized. The people must recover the existing organizations that have been captured or organize themselves.

The Power of Organization
and the Success of the People’s Movement
It is possible to ensure the effectiveness and sustainability of popular movements not through the expression of individual demands,
but through the defense of public demands as an organized force. Lack of organization is a factor that allows distorting or manipulating the demands of the public over time.

Because an organized popular movement not only guarantees that demands are correctly communicated, but also that these demands meet with public awareness, that strategies for social transformation are developed, and that forces seeking to change the system are united.

The People’s Movement with an organized structure will be a powerful platform for the realization not only of individual demands, but of all the needs for social change. In this way a process is initiated that can more strongly reflect the will of society against the existing powers and system, and lay the groundwork for truly revolutionary change.

3. DEMAND FOR REVOLUTION
The demand of the People’s Movement is based on THE FACT that Tayyip Erdoğan is not the legitimate President of the Republic, and this is expressed in the slogan, which we have shouted during Gezi protests and are shouting today: “Rebellion, revolution, freedom!

As is known, the referendum on the constitutional amendment held on April 16, 2017 was conducted in violation of all democratic principles and universal principles of law, thus ignoring the will of the nation. This date has gone down in our history not as a constitutional amendment, but as an illegal coup against the will of the nation.

The majority of the elections held in the previous years were already fraudulent elections in which state resources were used in favor of the AKP; but on April 16, 2017, many articles of the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey on the structure and powers of the legislative branch, the executive branch and the judiciary branch were illegally overturned under a state of emergency4 in which fundamental rights and freedoms were severely restricted and under unfair propaganda conditions in which the opposition party was declared terrorists and traitors by the government; force and violence were used against those who opposed5 ; the Election Board paved the way for the manipulation of the referendum and recognized unsealed votes as valid, and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said: “Don’t bother anymore. The ship has sailed“ and in this way a system that abolishes the division of powers has been implemented by force.

Article 309 of the Turkish Penal Code in force as of April 16, 2017 defines the crime of “violation of the Constitution” as „attempting, by force and violence, to abolish the order stipulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey or to replace this order with another order or to prevent the effective implementation of this order„. And in accordance with article 3 of the Anti-Terrorism Law in force on the same date, „(…) The crimes referred to in Articles 302, 307, 309, 311, 312, 312, 313, 313, 314, 315, 320 and the first paragraph of Article 310 of the Turkish Penal Code are crimes of terrorism.”

Two important facts emerge when examining this legal framework:

1. Constitution, which came into force on April 16, 2017 in violation of the law, is not a valid legal document that reflects the will of the people and guarantees democratic functioning.

2. Tayyip Erdoğan and the AKP have crossed the limits of legitimacy established by the Constitution, abolished the constitutional order and adopted a conception of governance that is not based on the will of the people

In this context, the demands and ob- jectives of the People’s Movement are increasingly clear:

• Demands: “Abandon the assembly, join the nation!”, “Rights, law, justice!” and “Rebellion, revolution, freedom!”
• Purpose: It is about organizing popular resistance and the revolutionary will to build a fully independent and just Turkey and to elaborate a legitimate Constitution based on the will of the people.

The people must show their deter- mination to fight for their rights and freedoms not only today, but also tomorrow. We have to fight for a fully independent Türkiye, a legitimate Constitution that is based on the will of the people and a fair administration. The strength of the People’s Movement comes not only from the articulation of demands, but also from the realization of the popular will.

The People’s Movement is the struggle of all the people, not just of one group or one political party, and it can only succeed with a non-partisan organization.

It is time for all of us to make our voices heard and for all of us to shape our future. If we want justice and freedom, now is the time to act! We must all act together to establish a just order! There is only one way to end the injustices, corruption and inequities we have suffered in the past and to defend our rights: Acting together!

Let us remember that each one of us is part of this country and that together we are stronger. We are the pioneers of social change! The strength of this movement depends on the contribution, courage and determination of each one of us. When we unite and stand against injustice, there is no obstacle that cannot be overcome!

Organizing means a strong voice, a strategic step and constant resistance. When we all unite for one goal, it forms the basis of a strong movement. And this movement becomes the vanguard of social transformation. This is a struggle not only for today, but also for our future.

Let’s raise our voices, unite our power and make this change together!

Founding Will Movement
www.kurucuirade.org
www.cumhuriyetkurulu.org

* Artificial intelligence has been used in the writing of this article.

  1. The current Constitution is in force, but it is not legitimate. For information, see Section 3.
  2. https://chp.org.tr/haberler/cumhuri-yet-halk-partisi-genel-baskani-ozgur-ozel-erk-en-secime-haziriz%20(Access%20Date:%20March%2029,2025)
  3. To read the full article: https://x.com/nasuh- mahruki/status/1903738678217761242 (Access Date: April 2, 2025)
  4. For human rights violations that took place from the beginning of the state of emergency declared on July 21, 2016 until the referendum on the constitutional amendment held in April 2017, see: Zeynep ALTIOK, STATE OF EMERGENCY LAW, REPORT ON RIGHTS VIOLATIONS https://cdn.chp.org.tr/cms/0/Folder/33743.pdf (Access Date, July 10, 2024)
  5. For information on the fact that the referen- dum on the Constitutional Amendment was held under unfair propaganda conditions and under force and violence, see REFERENDUM ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT April 16, 2017, Final Report of the Limited Referendum Observation Mission by AGIT/DKIHB https:// www.osce.org/files/f/documents/7/4/331101. pdf (Access Date: 20.07.2024) Although the named document and various news sites can be consulted, renowned and well-known events do not require legal proof.